Feminism may be the most successful progressive movement in the history of the West. In the space of a century, women across Europe and America went from having a legal status equivalent to property, to being presidents and prime ministers. As with all successful movements, however, feminism has become vulnerable to hijack. The authoritarian right now increasingly uses the language and structures of feminism to advance its own agenda. Ironically, it’s an agenda that is particularly bad for women.
Sara Farris, a sociologist at Goldsmiths, University of London, has a name for this new phenomenon: Femonationalism. Her book of the same name charts how authoritarian right-wing movements in the West adopt the clothes of feminism to attack Islam. There is, of course, a legitimate feminist critique of Islam. The religion certainly has many misogynistic aspects. States governed on Islamic lines almost inevitably repress women. If one’s objection is to religious misogyny, however, it’s not clear why Islam should be singled out. Every major religion has significant misogynistic elements. Christianity (and Judaism) blames women (collectively) for the introduction of original sin (Genesis 3:10), considers them “unclean” when menstruating (Leviticus 15:20), and prescribes that they be subservient to men (Timothy 2:12, to name but a few). Hindu texts encourage men to beat their wives and prohibit women from disagreeing with men (Skanda Purana). Some Buddhist sects believe that women must earn salvation in order to be reborn as men. All organised religion is, to one extent or another, inherently misogynistic. Like almost every ancient institution, it has a vested interest in maintaining established structures of power.
The authoritarian right’s critique of Islamic misogyny is really a cipher to justify demonisation and persecution of minorities. It’s an effective tactic. In France appeals to the rights of women have justified crackdowns on the Muslim culture associated with immigrants from France’s former colonies. Ironically the flagship policy is banning headscarves from public places. This has led to a stream of assaults on, and public humiliations of, Muslim women. Some have been forced to disrobe in public just to collect their kids from school. The French far-right leader, Marine Le Pen, adopted the language of feminism in the aftermath of a series of sexual assaults (committed mainly by immigrants) in Germany in 2016. Her party’s manifesto at the last election contained no mention of wage inequality or tackling gender-based violence. Women were mentioned only twice and purely in the context of their roles as wives and mothers. Yet Le Pen raged:
“I am revolted today by the unacceptable silence and therefore tacit consent of the French Left in the face of these fundamental attacks on the rights of women… I am scared that the migrant crisis signals the beginning of the end of women’s rights.”
All organised religion is, to one extent or another, inherently misogynistic
The tactic worked. Le Pen has surged in the polls largely by winning over women voters.
In the UK the authoritarian right pushes the narrative that we must “protect our women” from Muslim immigrants. The tabloid press frequently gives outsize coverage to crimes against women committed by immigrants (while at the same time mocking feminist causes like equal pay and running headlines like: “Men are now the downtrodden sex”). Douglas Murray, a regular contributor to the Spectator, wrote:
“…if you have open borders and no checks on who is arriving, a certain uptick in rape and other crimes will inevitably occur. We all know this, but because politicians from every main party have presided over or actively encouraged it, the whole business becomes just one of those unacknowledged downsides of diversity.”
Politicians and the media responded to the recent alkali attack in south London, for which the suspect is a refugee, Abdul Ezedi, by bemoaning the threat to women posed by “imported” cultures. Acid and alkali attacks originated in the UK and the vast majority of perpetrators are white Britons.
Ironically, Femonationalism actually sets back the feminist cause. The crackdowns demanded by the authoritarian right impact most severely on migrant women. The “Hostile Environment” promoted by successive governments (a bundle of policies which, among other things, require all public sector workers to inform on anyone the suspect believes may be an unlawful migrant) discourages migrant women who have suffered rape or domestic violence from seeking help. The government’s Illegal Migration Act stripped protections for the victims of modern slavery, giving the green light for more women to be sexually exploited by slavers in the UK.
Calls to “protect” women from the “threat” of Muslim immigrants patronise women by casting them as helpless damsels who must be saved by the white knights of the authoritarian state or mob. They reduce women to mere instruments, blank canvasses on which to paint the apocalyptic fever dreams of Murray and his ilk. For the authoritarian right, this kills two birds with one stone. While providing a convenient way to justify persecution of oppressed minorities, it also puts women back in their “traditional” place: as mere helpmates for men.
Sam Fowles is a barrister, Director of the ICDR, and a lecturer at St Edmund Hall, Oxford. He tweets at @SamFowles
